Journal of Peace Research recent issues

National and Regional Economic Consequences of Swiss Defense Spending

Bernauer, T., Koubi, V., Ernst, F. — 2009-06-29

The effects of defense spending on economic performance and, in particular, on economic growth have been studied extensively in the literature. The empirical findings have been ambiguous so far, partly reflecting the econometric difficulties involved in the estimation of this relationship. The authors study the implications of Swiss defense spending for economic growth and unemployment in Switzerland, using both national aggregate and cross-sectional (cantonal) data. Such analysis may be more informative than similar analyses that rely on time series for individual countries (due to spurious time effects) or averages for different countries (due to strong cross country variation in country characteristics). The findings indicate that although defense spending has had a positive effect on the rate of economic growth of Switzerland in the presence of an external threat (Cold War), the distribution of defense spending across cantons has not contributed to the dispersion of cantonal growth rates. Nonetheless, cantons in which military employment is a large share of total employment have enjoyed lower and more stable unemployment rates. These findings suggest that in order to uncover the full implications of defense spending, it is necessary to go beyond the defense spending—growth nexus. The findings seem relevant for many other countries because the allocation of national defense employment and spending is rarely uniform across the regions of any country.

A Fate Worse Than Debt? International Financial Institutions and Human Rights, 1981--2003

Eriksen, S., de Soysa, I. — 2009-06-29

Some report that human rights are likely to be violated when poor countries sign up to structural adjustment programmes (SAPs). These violations apparently occur because ordinary people revolt against the neo-liberal policies that SAPs push. This study examines the effect of the actual flow of finances from the World Bank and the IMF, holding constant all other bank-based financial flows, on government respect for human rights. The authors find that pay-in periods are beneficial for human rights, whereas loan dry-ups correlate with violations. Loan dry-ups are likely to occur because of noncompliance with SAPs rather than implementation, since the international financial institutions (IFIs) release loans in tranches to solve the time inconsistency problem. The overall level of indebtedness is robustly related to human rights abuses, but the higher the stock of debt owed to IFIs relative to total debt, the lower the human rights violations. Accumulating debt to IFIs, thus, seems to improve the level of human rights. Additionally, a higher government consumption to GDP ratio reduces human rights, a result that does not suggest that governments that are capable of commanding a higher share of the country's wealth are less likely to face threatening social dissent. Moreover, a proxy for neo-liberal policies, the index of economic freedom, correlates strongly with better human rights. These results do not square well with the view that neo-liberal policy reforms and the attendant austerity measures drive dangerous dissent.

Gender Empowerment and United Nations Peacebuilding

Gizelis, T.-I. — 2009-06-29

Previous studies have suggested that societies where women have higher social and economic status and greater political representation are less likely to become involved in conflict. In this article, the author argues that the prospects for successful post-conflict peacebuilding under the auspices of the United Nations (UN) are generally better in societies where women have greater levels of empowerment. Women's status in a society reflects the existence of multiple social networks and domestic capacity not captured by purely economic measures of development such as GDP per capita. In societies where women have relatively higher status, women have more opportunities to express a voice in the peacemaking process and to elicit broader domestic participation in externally led peacekeeping operations. This higher level of participation in turn implies that UN Peacekeeping operations can tap into great social capital and have better prospects for success. An empirical analysis of post-conflict cases with a high risk of conflict recurrence shows that UN peacekeeping operations have been significantly more effective in societies in which women have relatively higher status. By contrast, UN peacekeeping operations in countries where women have comparatively lower social status are much less likely to succeed.

Threat Perceptions and Feelings as Predictors of Jewish-Israeli Support for Compromise with Palestinians

Maoz, I., Mccauley, C. — 2009-06-29

A representative sample of Israeli Jews (N = 504) completed a survey assessing attitudes towards compromise in the Israeli—Palestinian conflict. Support for compromise was well predicted (R = .63) by a combination of four scales: perception of collective threat from Palestinians, perception of zero-sum relations between Palestinians and Israelis, personal fear of Palestinians, and sympathy towards Palestinians. Feelings of hostility towards Palestinians did not make an independent contribution to this prediction. As hypothesized, respondents who perceived high collective threat and zero-sum relations were much less supportive of making concessions to Palestinians. However, respondents who indicated feeling personal fear were in regression analysis slightly more supportive of compromise. Sympathy toward Palestinians was associated with more support for compromise. Additionally, religiosity was strongly associated with decreased support for compromise. However, entering threat perceptions and sympathy into the equation substantially reduced the predictive value of religiosity, indicating that psychological mechanisms underlie, at least in part, the tendency of more religious respondents to show less support for making concessions to Palestinians.

Creative Responses to Separation: Israeli and Palestinian Joint Activism in Bil'in

Hallward, M. C. — 2009-06-29

This article examines creative ways in which Israeli and Palestinian activists engage with each other and the powers seeking to separate them in their nonviolent struggles for a just and lasting peace. Using the geopolitical theory of territoriality, the article briefly examines a number of administrative, physical, and psychological barriers facing joint activism and the strategies activists use to counteract them. Drawing on nonviolent theory and practice, the article analyzes how activists exert power through the creative use of symbols and practices that undermine the legitimacy of occupation policies. Based on fieldwork conducted in 2004—05 and July 2006, the article explores the implications of this activism on conceptions of identity, and strategies for restarting a moribund peace process. The relative `success' of sustained joint action in Bil'in can provide scholars and policymakers with innovative approaches for addressing some of the outstanding issues needing to be addressed by official negotiators. Although government bodies are more constrained than activists, the imaginative means of engaging with the system — and the reframing of issues through the redeployment of `commonplaces' — can perhaps provide inspiration, if not leverage, for thinking outside of the box.

National Reconciliation After Civil War: The Case of Greece

Siani-Davies, P., Katsikas, S. — 2009-06-29

This article discusses post-conflict reconciliation in Greece following the divisive civil war of the 1940s. Focusing on the elite political discourse and the relationship between reconciliation and democratization, its chief argument is that in Greece continuing disagreement about the civil war did not inhibit a process of reconciliation because it was voiced within a normative framework in which violence had been repudiated as a political tool. Particularly since the fall of the Colonels' dictatorship in 1974, reconciliation has been linked to a number of distinct political projects, some of which were as divisive as conciliatory in their effect. In each case, reconciliation meant different things to differing shades of political opinion, but the widespread adoption of the term by both the governing and opposition elites, as well as society as a whole, gradually entrapped politicians of all persuasions into accepting that a process of reconciliation had occurred. Reconciliation in Greece has therefore rested not on the establishment of a single agreed narrative representing the truth about the past, but rather on the righting of perceived injustices and the free articulation of differing interpretations of that past by both left and right within a democratic environment.

Armed Conflicts, 1946--2008

Harbom, L., Wallensteen, P. — 2009-06-29

In 2008, the number of active armed conflicts was 36, up by one from 2007. Over the past few years, the number of active conflicts has not seen any drastic changes from one year to the next. However, the number of armed conflicts has increased by nearly one-quarter since 2003, which was the year with the lowest number of active armed conflicts since the 1970s. While the number of conflicts continued to increase, the number of wars (i.e. conflicts with over 1,000 battle-related deaths) remained at a very low level, with only five recorded for 2008. Four conflicts listed in 2007 were no longer active in 2008, but during the year, two conflicts were restarted by previously recorded actors (in Burundi and in Georgia). Furthermore, three new conflicts erupted, one of which was fought between states (Djibouti—Eritrea). Thus, the record-long four-year interlude 2004—07 with no interstate conflict was broken.

The International Military Intervention Dataset: An Updated Resource for Conflict Scholars

Pickering, J., Kisangani, E. F. — 2009-06-29

As major wars have become uncommon over recent decades and the efficacy of economic sanctions is questioned, foreign military intervention seems to have become increasingly prevalent on the international scene. Military intervention has also gained a degree of moral legitimacy, as it is now often launched for humanitarian ends rather than simply to further the intervener's strategic or material interests. Despite the apparent increase in the use of foreign military intervention as a policy tool in recent years, the quantitative international conflict literature continues to operate without either a comprehensive or a current inventory of foreign military interventions. The authors attempt to fill this gap by updating Pearson & Baumann's International Military Intervention (IMI) dataset from 1989 to 2005. IMI has a number of attributes that should make it attractive to quantitative international conflict scholars. One is that it is one of a small handful of interstate conflict datasets that attempts to discern the motives behind state uses of force. Also, its substantive coverage is broad, allowing researchers to separate out and focus on the forms of intervention (supportive, hostile, humanitarian, territorial, etc.) that are relevant to their research. As a preliminary validity test of the updated data, the authors analyze patterns of Cold War and post-Cold War military intervention in the IMI collection to see if they correspond with conventional wisdom on real world events.

{blacksquare} Hale, Henry E., 2008. The Foundation of Ethnic Politics: Separatism of States and Nations in Eurasia and the World. New York: Cambridge University Press. 278 pp. ISBN 9780521719209

Hallberg, J. D. — 2009-06-29

{blacksquare} Cramer, Christopher, 2006. Civil War Is Not a Stupid Thing: Accounting for Violence in Developing Countries. London: Hurst. xiii + 329 pp. ISBN 9781850658214

Rolandsen, O. H. — 2009-06-29

{blacksquare} Isenberg, David, 2009. Shadow Force: Private Security Contractors in Iraq. Westport, CT: Praeger Security International. 244 pp. ISBN 9780275996338

Kjellman, K. E. — 2009-06-29

{blacksquare} Jenkins, Gareth, 2008. Political Islam in Turkey: Running West, Heading East? New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 274 pp. ISBN 9781403968838

Tank, P. — 2009-06-29

{blacksquare} Kalyvas, Stathis N.; Ian Shapiro & Tarek Masoud, eds, 2008. Order, Conflict, and Violence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. xii + 436 pp. ISBN 9780521722391

Nygard, H. M. — 2009-06-29

{blacksquare} Krueger, Alan B., 2007. What Makes a Terrorist? Economics and the Roots of Terrorism. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. xi + 180 pp. ISBN 9780691134383

Holtermann, H. — 2009-06-29

{blacksquare} Kurnaz, Murat, 2008. Five Years of My Life: An Innocent Man in Guantanamo. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. ix + 255 pp. ISBN 9780230603745

Isenberg, D. — 2009-06-29

{blacksquare} Laitin, David D., 2007. Nations, States, and Violence. Oxford & New York: Oxford University Press. xv + 162 pp. ISBN 9780199228232

Urdal, H. — 2009-06-29

{blacksquare} Lubkemann, Stephen C., 2008. Culture in Chaos: An Anthropology of the Social Condition in War. Chicago, IL & London: University of Chicago Press. 401 pp. ISBN 9780226496412

Kolas, A. — 2009-06-29

{blacksquare} McClellan, Scott, 2008. What Happened: Inside the Bush White House and Washington's Culture of Deception. New York: Public Affairs. xiv + 341pp. ISBN 9781586485566

Isenberg, D. — 2009-06-29

{blacksquare} Misra, Amalendu, 2008. Politics of Civil Wars: Conflict, Intervention and Resolution. New York: Routledge. xiii + 183 p. ISBN 0415403464

Liden, K. — 2009-06-29

{blacksquare} Nhema, Alfred & Paul Tiyamba Zeleza, eds, 2008. The Roots of African Conflicts: The Causes and Costs. Athens, OH: Ohio University Press & OSSRA. xii + 244 pp. ISBN 9781847013002

Rolandsen, O. H. — 2009-06-29

{blacksquare} Norton, Augustus Richard, 2007. Hezbollah: A Short History. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. 187 pp. ISBN 9780691131245

Jensehaugen, J. — 2009-06-29

{blacksquare} Nusseibeh, Sari, with Anthony David, 2007. Once Upon a Country: A Palestinian Life. London: Halban. vi + 562 pp. ISBN 9781905559053

Shamsuddin, F. — 2009-06-29

{blacksquare} Shlaim, Avi, 2007. Lion of Jordan: The Life of King Hussein in War and Peace. London: Penguin. xxii + 698 pp. ISBN 9780141017280

Jensehaugen, J. — 2009-06-29

{blacksquare} Simiyu, Robert Romborah, 2008. Militianisation of Resource Conflicts: The Case of Land-Based Conflict in the Mount Elgon Region of Western Kenya. Tshwane (Pretoria): Institute for Security Studies. 80 pp. ISBN 9781920114497

Theisen, O. M. — 2009-06-29

Books Received

2009-06-29

The Analysis of Conflict: A Micro-Level Perspective

Verwimp, P., Justino, P., Bruck, T. — 2009-05-05

This article introduces a special issue on the micro-level dynamics of mass violent conflict. While most analyses of conflict typically adopt a regional, national or global perspective, often using country-level data, this special issue takes an explicit micro-level approach, focusing on the behaviour and welfare of individuals, households and groups or communities. At a fundamental level, conflict originates from individuals' behaviour and their repeated interactions with their surroundings, in other words, from its micro-foundations. A micro-level approach advances our understanding of conflict by its ability to account for individual and group heterogeneity within one country or one conflict. The contributors to this special issue investigate the nature of violence against civilians, the agency of civilians during conflict, the strategic interaction between civilians and armed actors, the consequences of displacement, the effectiveness of coping strategies and the impact of policy interventions. The core message from these articles is that in order to understand conflict dynamics and its effects on society, we have to take seriously the incentives and constraints shaping the interaction between the civilian population and the armed actors. The kind of interaction that develops, as well as the resulting conflict dynamics, depend on the type of conflict, the type of armed actors and the characteristics of the civilian population and its institutions.

Poverty and Violent Conflict: A Micro-Level Perspective on the Causes and Duration of Warfare

Justino, P. — 2009-05-05

This article discusses how endogenous mechanisms linking processes of violent conflict and the economic well-being of individuals and households in combat areas provide valuable micro foundations to the ongoing debate on the causes and duration of armed conflict. Notably, the endogenous relationship between conflict processes and household economic status leads to the emergence of symbiotic associations between armed groups and households living in areas they control that affect substantially the probability of a conflict starting and its effectiveness thereafter. Households in conflict areas draw on local armed groups to protect their economic status when anticipating violence and during the conflict, while armed groups make use of different levels of (either reluctant or voluntary) participation, support and cooperation from local populations to advance their strategic objectives at the onset and throughout the conflict. The level of household participation at the start and during the conflict is a function of two interdependent variables, namely household vulnerability to poverty and household vulnerability to violence. The poorer the household is at the start of the conflict, the higher is the probability of the household participating and supporting an armed group. The higher the risk of violence, the higher is the probability of the household participating and supporting armed groups. The interaction between these two variables varies with the conflict itself and is defined by the direct and indirect effects of conflict-induced violence on the economic behaviour and decisions of households in combat areas.

The Dynamics of Violence in Vietnam: An Analysis of the Hamlet Evaluation System (HES)

Kalyvas, S. N., Kocher, M. A. — 2009-05-05

The authors analyze a unique data source to study the determinants of violence against civilians in a civil war context. During the Vietnam War, the United States Department of Defense pioneered the use of quantitative analysis for operational purposes. The centerpiece of that effort was the Hamlet Evaluation System (HES), a monthly and quarterly rating of `the status of pacification at the hamlet and village level throughout the Republic of Vietnam'. Consistent with existing theoretical claims, the authors find that homicidal violence against civilians was a function of the level of territorial control exercised by the rival sides: Vietnamese insurgents relied on selective violence primarily where they enjoyed predominant, but not full, control; South Vietnamese government and US forces exercised indiscriminate violence primarily in the most rebel-dominated areas. Violence was less common in the most contested areas. The absence of spatial overlap between insurgent selective and incumbent indiscriminate violence, as well as the relative absence of violence from contested areas, demonstrates both the fundamental divergence between irregular and conventional war and the need for cautious use of violent events as indicators of conflict.

Livestock, Land and Political Power: The 1993 Killings in Burundi

Bundervoet, T. — 2009-05-05

This article examines the characteristics of the victims of the October 1993 massacres in Burundi. Using information on parents of the respondents of a 2002 demographic household survey, the author finds that the probability of a parent being killed during the events is significantly affected by age, sex and wealth, in the sense that older, wealthier and male persons were more likely to be killed. Using the median level of education of a parent's offspring to proxy the parental investment in human capital, the author finds that people who invested more in the human capital of their children ran a higher risk of being killed. The analysis also shows important spatial disparities in the killings. In trying to explain these locational effects, the author focus on two key hypotheses set forth with respect to the October 1993 events in Burundi: the land crisis and the questionable role played by the Front Démocratique du Burundi (FRODEBU), the dominant political actor at that time. The author finds that communal land pressure significantly increases the probability of being killed and that communal popular support for FRODEBU increases, in a non-linear fashion, the risk of being affected by the killings. The results are interpreted in light of the prevailing political economy of 1993 Burundi.

Agriculture, Poverty, and Postwar Reconstruction: Micro-Level Evidence from Northern Mozambique

Bozzoli, C., Bruck, T. — 2009-05-05

This article analyzes the effects of household-level activity choices on farm household welfare in a developing country affected by mass violent armed conflict. The study uses household survey data from postwar Nampula and Cabo Delgado provinces in Northern Mozambique capturing many activity choices, including market participation, risk and activity diversification, cotton adoption, and social exchange, as well as income-and consumption-based measures of welfare. The study advances the literature on postwar coping and rural poverty at the micro level by estimating potentially endogenous activity choices and welfare outcomes using instrumental variables. The study finds that increasing the cultivated area and on-farm activities enhances postwar welfare of smallholders exploiting wartime survival techniques. Subsistence farming reduces income but does not affect consumption, while market participation has positive welfare effects. This suggests that postwar reconstruction policies should encourage the wartime crop mix but offer enhanced marketing opportunities for such crops. Cotton adoption, which was promoted by aid agencies in the postwar period, reduces household welfare per capita by between 16% and 31%, controlling for market access. This contradicts previous studies of postwar rural development that did not control for the war-related endogeneity. Hence, addressing the potential endogeneity of activity choices is important because the standard regression approach may lead to biased estimates of the impact of activity choice on welfare, which in turn may lead to biased policy advice. The article discusses and contextualizes these findings, concluding with a discussion of suitable pro-poor reconstruction policies for national governments and donors.

Civil Conflict and Displacement: Village-Level Determinants of Forced Migration in Aceh

Czaika, M., Kis-Katos, K. — 2009-05-05

The purpose of this article is to identify the determinants of displacement behavior based on various push and pull factors at the village level. The study concentrates on changes in village population during three years of civil conflict (1999—2002) in Aceh, Indonesia. The empirical analysis is based on a unique dataset from two census rounds of the Indonesian Village Potential Census (PODES). It uses data on around 5,200 Acehnese villages and relates village-level population change to conflict variables, geographic patterns, and traditional socio-economic determinants of migration. By applying quantile regressions, the push (outflow) factors and the pull (inflow) determinants of migration can also be distinguished. The authors identify the following factors as the main determinants of the Aceh migration pattern in this period. First, conflict clashes induced large rearrangements of the population between villages in highly affected districts, as well as strong village emigration from the geographically remote regions in Central Aceh towards the less conflict-affected coastal industrial areas. Besides conflict factors, an (ongoing) rural—urban migration process, driven by socio-economic factors, has taken place during the conflict period. Second, there is also evidence that security considerations, such as the presence of police in a village or neighborhood, were either emigration-reducing or immigration-inducing. Third, although the presence of ethnic Javanese has not been a primary cause of conflict incidence, their intimidation by the rebel movement has led to a significant outflow, primarily from conflict-affected villages in Central Aceh. These results reveal that, beside a conflict-induced fear of violence, population movements in Aceh have also been an outcome of traditional migration determinants.

Seeking Safety: Avoiding Displacement and Choosing Destinations in Civil Wars

Steele, A. — 2009-05-05

Despite civil war violence, some civilians stay in their communities. Those who leave choose one of many possible destinations. Drawing on fieldwork in Colombia, this article argues that the way armed groups target civilians explains households' decisions about displacement. When groups of civilians are targeted based on a shared characteristic — `collective' targeting — their best options for avoiding violence differ from those targeted selectively or indiscriminately. This article outlines conditions under which people can stay in contexts of collective targeting, and where they are likely to go if these conditions are not met. A civilian facing collective targeting could move to a rival group's stronghold, cluster with others similarly targeted, or seek anonymity in a city or different region. Community characteristics, such as whether it is urban or rural, as well as macro characteristics of the war, such as whether or not there is an ascriptive cleavage, shape which decisions are relatively safest, which in turn leads to implications for aggregate patterns. For example, clustering together has a perverse effect: even though hiding among others with similar characteristics may reduce an individual's likelihood of suffering direct violence, the community may be more endangered as it is perceived to be affiliated with an armed group. This then leads to a cycle of collective targeting and displacement, which has important implications for the development of warfare. In turn, this cycle and related cleavage formation may have long-term impacts on postwar stability and politics.

Identifying Victims of Civil Conflicts: An Evaluation of Forced Displaced Households in Colombia

Ibanez, A. M., Velasquez, A. — 2009-05-05

Given that forced migration subjects households to extremely vulnerable conditions, the need to design particular policies for displaced populations is unquestionable. However, forced displacement poses several challenges to policymakers. In connection with low-intensity conflicts, such as in the case of Colombia, the main obstacle concerns the identification of households' victims of forced migration, so as to know to whom one should funnel aid. In such cases, inasmuch as victims migrate individually and tend to spread throughout a territory, identifying victims is difficult and channeling aid through supply-driven mechanisms is prohibitively expensive. To locate the households' victims of low intensity conflicts, an alternative — one adopted by the Colombia government — is to provide aid through demand-driven programs. This article evaluates whether demand-driven approaches aimed at assisting displaced households do in fact reach the entire displaced population. The study employs a survey applied to 1,553 households located in 48 Colombian municipalities. The authors identify to what extent a demand-driven approach excludes particular groups of households within the displaced population, examine what household characteristics determine the decision to declare one's eligibility for and final registration in RUPD, and analyze whether the exclusion of some groups of households is caused by the behavior of the relevant displaced households or by the deliberate targeting of these households by government offices. Results reveal that the exclusion of households from Colombia's RPUD program is mainly caused by lack of information regarding RUPD, with institutional determinants playing a lesser role.

Browne, Edward Granville, 2008. Letters from Tabriz: The Russian Suppression of the Iranian Constitutional Movement. Washington, DC: Mage. xxxi + 287 pp. ISBN 1933823259

Bergsmo, M. — 2009-05-05

Call, Charles T. & Vanessa Wyeth, eds, 2008. Building States to Build Peace. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner. ix + 438pp. ISBN 9781588264800

Falch, A. — 2009-05-05

Desch, Michael, 2008. Power and Military Effectiveness: The Fallacy of Democratic Triumphalism. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. 248 pp. ISBN 9780801888014

Pilster, U. — 2009-05-05

Edelstein, David M., 2008. Occupational Hazards: Success and Failure in Military Occupation. Ithaca, NY & London: Cornell University Press. 248 pp. ISBN 9780801446153

Scarinzi, F. — 2009-05-05

Figes, Orlando, 2007. The Whisperers: Private Life in Stalin's Russia. London: Penguin. xxxviii + 740 pp. ISBN 9780713997026. Montefiore, Simon Sebag, 2007. Young Stalin. London: Widenfeld & Nicolson. xxviii + 397 pp. ISBN 9780297850687

Marsh, N. — 2009-05-05

Gerring, John & Strom C. Thacker, 2008. A Centripetal Theory of Democratic Governance. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. xiii + 237 pp. ISBN 9780521710152

Holtermann, H. — 2009-05-05

Haddad, Emma, 2008. The Refugee in International Society: Between Sovereigns. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 235 pp. ISBN 9780521868884

Naftalin, M. — 2009-05-05

Horne, Alistair, 2006. A Savage War of Peace: Algeria 1954--1962. New York: New York Review of Books. xii + 608 pp. ISBN 9781590172186

Shamsuddin, F. — 2009-05-05

Kool, V. K., 2008. The Psychology of Nonviolence and Aggression. Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan. xiii + 204 pp. ISBN 9780230545540

Hanssen, M. — 2009-05-05

Lewis, David, 2008. The Temptations of Tyranny in Central Asia. London: Hurst. viii + 243 pp. ISBN 9781850658337

Baev, P. — 2009-05-05

Lewis, Peter M., 2007. Growing Apart: Oil Politics and Economic Change in Indonesia and Nigeria. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press. xi + 295 pp. ISBN 9780472069804

Aas Rustad, S. — 2009-05-05

Sokmen, Muge Gursoy & Basak Ertur, eds, 2008. Waiting for the Barbarians: A Tribute to Edward W. Said. London & New York: Verso. xx + 204 pp. ISBN 9781844672462

Jensehaugen, J. — 2009-05-05

Books Received

2009-05-05

State Capacity, State Failure, and Human Rights

Englehart, N. A. — 2009-02-25

While it is universally recognized that states are responsible for human rights conditions in their jurisdictions, it is less often noticed that this responsibility has two dimensions, one normative and one empirical. Normatively, most people agree that states ought to prevent human rights abuses. Empirically, however, states may not always be able to do so. In weak and failing states, agency loss and the inability to police effectively can lead to abuses by private individuals and rogue agents of the state. Thus, on balance, weak states typically have worse human rights records than strong ones. This is demonstrated by a global time-series cross-section analysis showing that indicators of state weakness — low tax revenues, corruption, and lack of law and order — all have a negative impact on human rights to personal security. The effect differs for different kinds of rights. Extrajudicial killings are highly sensitive to state capacity, while political imprisonment is more sensitive to democracy. Overall, however, it appears that the totalitarian model of human rights abuse by excessively strong states applies to a restricted set of cases. The more common problem is states that cannot effectively protect human rights. We must take state failure seriously when thinking about the causes of — and remedies for — human rights abuse.

US Aid Allocation: The Nexus of Human Rights, Democracy, and Development

Demirel-Pegg, T., Moskowitz, J. — 2009-02-25

Respect for human rights is one of several factors influencing US aid allocation decisions. Whereas previous research identifies human rights practices as being of secondary importance, it typically does not explore whether there is a more complicated relationship between human rights practices and US aid allocation. The authors argue that the impact of human rights varies at different levels of democracy and economic development. Employing data on 151 countries from 1977 to 2004, this study also investigates whether there has been an increase in the impact of human rights practices since the end of the Cold War. The results of the analysis show that during the Cold War, economic development was the prevailing factor in decisions about whether to allocate US aid. In the post-Cold War era, human rights practices are one among several significant variables, albeit exerting a generally negative impact. These results indicate that shifts in the international environment have, in fact, altered the determinants of US foreign aid. The authors further demonstrate that after the Cold War, countries with low economic development and transitioning regimes are subject to diminished levels of accountability for their human rights practices, while aid allocations to autocratic regimes follow the logic of promoting relatively higher human rights standards.

Buying Peace? Oil Wealth, Corruption and Civil War, 1985--99

Fjelde, H. — 2009-02-25

This article argues that, contrary to received wisdom, political corruption is not necessarily associated with a higher risk of civil war in oil-rich states. Political corruption can be used to accommodate opposition and placate restive groups by offering private privilege in exchange for political loyalty. Since oil wealth is associated with large rents accruing in state treasuries, it provides an economic foundation for such clientelist rule. This article thus argues that oil-rich governments can use political corruption to buy support from key segments of society, effectively outspending other entrepreneurs of violence. Based on a logit analysis of civil war onsets, 1985—99, the article finds support for this `co-optation argument'. A negative and statistically significant interaction term between oil production and political corruption is consistent across different models and robust to a number of specifications. While both variables per se increase the risk of conflict overall, higher levels of corruption seem to weaken the harmful impact of oil on the risk of civil war. This finding suggests the need for a more nuanced understanding of the relationship between natural resource wealth, governance and armed conflict. Political corruption has prolonged poverty and bred economic and political inequality in many oil-rich states, but it has also helped cement powerful alliances with a stake in the continuation of the corrupt regimes.

When Are Democratic Friends Unreliable? The Unilateral Withdrawal of Troops from the `Coalition of the Willing'

Tago, A. — 2009-02-25

Why do some democracies break their security commitments whereas others do not? This study proposes a research strategy to answer the question by analyzing the timing of unilateral exits from a coalition military operation. Coalition participants typically do not exit until a military mission has been accomplished. However, in the case of the US-led coalition occupying Iraq since May 2003, 16 states have unilaterally withdrawn their armed forces. Despite the danger such defections may cause to the relationship of these states with the USA, why and when do they exit? The author creates a dataset with a state-month unit of analysis that contains information on 37 partner states and applies a Cox proportional hazard model. The study finds that the occurrence of a national election serves as a strong driving force to accelerate an exit from the coalition. An incumbent leader who faces a challenger who opposes military contributions in Iraq would reverse the policy to support the USA and exit the coalition to win an election, even at the risk of damaging a bilateral relationship with the USA. A change in leadership after an election, on the other hand, failed to be a predictor of the timing of defection. Furthermore, results reveal that the division of power within the government and the constitutional rules that enable significant parliamentary control over executive decisions to use force neither delay nor accelerate the timing of withdrawal. To understand the conditions under which democracies break their security commitments, more attention should be paid to election cycles than to a change in leadership and to types of democratic institutional and constitutional arrangements.

A Panel Data Analysis of the Military Expenditure-External Debt Nexus: Evidence from Six Middle Eastern Countries

Smyth, R., Kumar Narayan, P. — 2009-02-25

While a number of studies examine the nexus between military expenditure and economic growth, little consideration has been give to the effect of military expenditure on external debt. This article examines the impact of military expenditure and income on external debt for a panel of six Middle Eastern countries - Oman, Syria, Yemen, Bahrain, Iran, and Jordan - over the period 1988 to 2002. The Middle East represents an interesting study of the effect of military expenditure on external debt because it has one of the highest rates of arms imports in the world and it is one of the most indebted regions in the world. The study first establishes whether there is a long-run relationship between military expenditure, income, and external debt in the six countries using a panel unit root and panel cointegration framework and then proceeds to estimate the long-run and short-run effects of military expenditure and income on external debt. The study finds that external debt is elastic with respect to military expenditure in the long run and inelastic with respect to military expenditure in the short run. For the panel of six Middle Eastern countries, in the long run a 1% increase in military expenditure results in between a 1.1 % and 1.6% increase in external debt, while a 1% increase in income reduces external debt by between 0.6% and 0.8%, depending on the specific estimator employed. In the short run, a 1% increase in military expenditure increases external debt by 0.2%, while the effect of income on external debt is statistically insignificant.

Participation in Atrocities Among Israeli Soldiers During the First Intifada: A Qualitative Analysis

Elizur, Y., Yishay-Krien, N. — 2009-02-25

Atrocities committed by soldiers are a common occurrence that harms not only victims, but also perpetrators, armies, and nations. However, censorship, limited access to information, and the tendency to deny one's evil and project it onto the other impede investigation into how ordinary soldiers cross the line between legitimate fighting and excessive violence. This study examined processes associated with Israeli soldiers' brutal behaviors during the first Intifada. Participants were 21 male combat veterans of two companies stationed in Gaza whose sampling reflected diversity in Israeli society and a wide range of behaviors in the Intifada. Situational factors and social—psychological processes (i.e. modeling, moral disengagement, dehumanization, and deindividuation) were powerful inducers of brutality. The data also showed individual differences in violence, inner—outer directedness, and moral standards. Consequently, five subgroups were identified: Callous/Impulsive, Ideologically Violent, Followers, Restrained, and Incorruptible. The use of these categories to examine the soldiers' unfolding experience over time generated a unique perspective into two less studied dynamics. The first was a synergistic interaction between dispositional and situational factors, manifested in level of brutality and differential subgroup stability of violent behaviors over time. The second was the company as a family-like primary social system that developed inner culture and structural patterns characterized by alignments and social power. Initially, there evolved a culture of brutality with an associated leadership that escalated the violence. A later clash with soldiers who adhered to the army's professional culture transformed the company's culture and structure. This analysis has implications for preventive measures, including the development of morally committed and resolute leadership at both lower and higher echelons of command.

Introducing Archigos: A Dataset of Political Leaders

Goemans, H. E., Gleditsch, K. S., Chiozza, G. — 2009-02-25

Scholars for a long time theorized about the role of political leaders, but empirical research has been limited by the lack of systematic data about individual leaders. Archigos is a new dataset with information on leaders in 188 countries from 1875 to 2004. We provide an overview of the main features of this data. Archigos specifically identifies the effective leaders of each independent state; it codes when and how leaders came into power, their age, and their gender, as well as their personal fate one year after they lost office. We illustrate the utility of the Archigos dataset by demonstrating how leader attributes predict other features of interest in International Relations and Comparative Politics. Crisis interactions differ depending on whether leaders face each other for the first time or have had prior interactions. Irregular leader changes can help identify political change in autocracies not apparent from data that consider only the democratic nature of institutions. Finally, transitions to democracy in the third wave are more likely to fail in instances where autocratic rulers were punished after leaving office. Our examples illustrate new empirical findings that simply could not be explored in existing data sources. Although selective, our overview demonstrates how Archigos bears considerable promise in providing answers to new and old research questions and opens up new avenues for research on individual leaders as decisionmakers.

{blacksquare} Dai, Xinyuan, 2007. International Institutions and National Policies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 187 pp. ISBN 0521696313

Pilster, U. — 2009-02-25

{blacksquare} Dinar, Ariel; Shlomi Dinar, Stephen McCaffrey & Daene McKinney, 2007. Bridges over Water: Understanding Transboundary Water Conflict, Negotiation and Cooperation. Singapore: World Scientific. x + 458 pp. ISBN 9789812568939

Brochmann, M. — 2009-02-25

{blacksquare} Eager, Paige Whaley, 2008. From Freedom Fighters to Terrorists: Women and Political Violence. Hampshire: Ashgate. vii + 240pp. ISBN 9780754672258

Shamsuddin, F. — 2009-02-25

{blacksquare} Fuller, Graham E., 2007. The New Turkish Republic: Turkey as a Pivotal State in the Muslim World. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press. 197 pp. ISBN 9781601270191

Tank, P. — 2009-02-25

{blacksquare} Hilal, Jamil, ed., 2007. Where Now for Palestine? London & New York: Zed. xi + 260 pp. ISBN 9781842778401

Jensehaugen, J. — 2009-02-25

{blacksquare} James, Wendy, 2007. War and Survival in Sudan's Frontierlands: Voices from the Blue Nile. Oxford: Oxford University Press. xxviii + 339 pp. ISBN 9780199298679

Rolandsen, O. H. — 2009-02-25

{blacksquare} Kapoor, Ilan, 2008. The Postcolonial Politics of Development. New York: Routledge. xvi + 183 pp. ISBN 9780415773973

Liden, K. — 2009-02-25

{blacksquare} Kurtzer, Daniel C. & Scott B. Lasensky, eds, 2008. Negotiating Arab--Israeli Peace. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press. xx + 191 pp. ISBN 9781601270306

Jensehaugen, J. — 2009-02-25

{blacksquare} Lomborg, Bjorn, 2007. Cool It: The Skeptical Environmentalist's Guide to Global Warming. London: Marshall Cavendish & Cyan. 353 pp. ISBN 9780462099125

Gleditsch, N. P. — 2009-02-25

{blacksquare} Moses, Jonathon W. & Torbjorn L. Knutsen, 2007. Ways of Knowing: Competing Methodologies in Social and Political Research. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. xiii + 330 pp. ISBN 9780230516656

Holtermann, H. — 2009-02-25

{blacksquare} Peskin, Victor, 2008. International Justice in Rwanda and the Balkans: Virtual Trials and the Struggle for State Cooperation. New York: Cambridge University Press. vii + 272 pp. ISBN 9780521872300

Loyle, C. E. — 2009-02-25

{blacksquare} Rappert, Brian & Caitriona McLeish, eds, 2007. A Web of Prevention: Biological Weapons, Life Sciences and the Governance of Research. London & Sterling, VA: Earthscan. v + 218 pp. ISBN 9781844073733

Kittelsen, S. — 2009-02-25

{blacksquare} Rashid, Ahmed, 2008. Descent into Chaos: How the War Against Islamic Extremism Is Being Lost in Pakistan, Afghanistan and Central Asia. London: Allen Lane. 506 pp. ISBN 9780713998436

Berg Harpviken, K. — 2009-02-25

{blacksquare} Rill, Helena; Tamara Smidling & Ana Bitoljanu, eds, 2007. 20 Pieces of Encouragement for Awakening and Change: Peacebuilding in the Region of the Former Yugoslavia. Belgrade & Sarajevo: Centre for Nonviolent Action. 349 pp. ISBN 9788690253968

Simic, O. — 2009-02-25

{blacksquare} Sayigh, Rosemary, 2007. The Palestinians: From Peasants to Revolutionaries. London: Zed. xxviii + 228 pp. ISBN 9781842779644

Shamsuddin, F. — 2009-02-25

{blacksquare} Shani, Giorgio; Makoto Sato & Mustapha Kamal Pasha, eds, 2007. Protecting Human Security in a Post 9/11 World: Critical and Global Insights. Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan. 226 pp. ISBN 0230006450

Hynek, N. — 2009-02-25

{blacksquare} Slim, Hugo, 2008. Killing Civilians: Method, Madness and Morality in War. New York: Columbia University Press. 319 pp. ISBN 9781850658818. {blacksquare} Downes, Alexander B., 2008. Targeting Civilians in War. New York: Cornell University Press. 315 pp. ISBN 9780801446344

Miklian, J. — 2009-02-25

{blacksquare} Sriram, Chandra Lekha, 2008. Peace as Governance: Power-Sharing, Armed Groups and Contemporary Peace Negotiations. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. vii(i) + 220 pp. ISBN 9781403985286

Malmin Binningsbo, H. — 2009-02-25

Books Received

2009-02-25

Referees

2009-02-25

New Dilemmas in Transitional Justice: Lessons from the Mixed Courts in Sierra Leone and Cambodia

Stensrud, E. E. — 2008-12-22

This article argues that the mixed tribunals of Sierra Leone and Cambodia provide important lessons about the problems and dilemmas in achieving the legitimacy that is necessary for transitional justice mechanisms to have a positive local impact. High hopes have been held for the mixed model, but experiences show that this model is no easy fix to the legitimacy problems faced by the international tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. By locating a tribunal in the post-conflict setting, new dilemmas of legitimacy may arise. This article suggests that transitional justice mechanisms should strike a balance between backward-looking and forward-looking justice, and between international and national participation in the tribunals, but this is not done by simply locating a tribunal in the affected country.

A Comparative Theory Test of Democratic Peace Arguments, 1946--2000

Lektzian, D., Souva, M. — 2008-12-22

Multiple theories posit the existence of a dyadic democratic peace. The authors extend the logic of three theories of the democratic peace — informational, normative, and preferences — and find that they make different predictions with respect to the onset and escalation of disputes across the range of similar regime dyads. First, regarding dispute onset, the preferences argument, but not the normative and informational arguments, expects autocratic dyads of similar type to have less conflict onset than mixed dyads. Second, the normative argument expects democratic, but not non-democratic, dyads to be less likely to escalate their disputes, while the informational argument expects democracy to have little impact, after conflict onset has been taken into account. The preferences argument expects all dyads of similar regime type to be less likely to escalate their disputes. Critical tests of these expectations are conducted by estimating a censored choice model of conflict onset and escalation, using multiple measures of interstate conflict. The authors find little support for a broader regime-similarity peace, and their findings on democratic dispute escalation favor the informational argument over the normative argument.

The West and Contemporary Peace Operations

Bellamy, A. J., Williams, P. D. — 2008-12-22

In recent years, senior UN officials have raised concerns about the decline of Western contributions to UN peace operations. Although this is a worrying trend for supporters of the UN, it does not mean that the West is playing a smaller role in peace operations per se. Instead, the West has increased its contribution to `hybrid' peace operations and missions that take place outside of the UN system. This article examines the West's contribution to both UN and non-UN peace operations since the Brahimi Report and assesses whether its contribution has markedly changed and what impact any changes have had on international peace and security. It proceeds in three sections. The first provides a historical overview of the West's ambivalent relationship with UN peace operations since 1948. The second analyses the West's contribution to UN, hybrid and non-UN peace operations. The final section explores what Western policies mean for international peace and security by assessing their impact on the UN's authority, the extent to which they save lives and their contribution to building stable peace. The article concludes that while in the short term the West's willingness to participate in hybrid operations displays a commitment to finding pragmatic solutions to some difficult problems, over the longer term this approach may weaken the UN's ability to maintain international peace and security.

Better or Worse? The Effect of Economic Sanctions on Human Rights

Peksen, D. — 2008-12-22

Does economic coercion increase or decrease government respect for human rights in countries targeted with economic sanctions? If economic sanctions weaken the target regime's coercive capacity, human rights violations by the government should be less likely. If, on the contrary, sanctions fail to attenuate the coercive capacity of the target elites and create more economic difficulties and political violence among ordinary citizens, the government will likely commit more human rights violations. Focusing on competing views of why sanctions might improve or deteriorate human rights conditions, this article offers an empirical examination of the effect sanctions have on the physical integrity rights of citizens in target countries. Utilizing time-series, cross-national data for the period 1981—2000, the findings suggest that economic sanctions worsen government respect for physical integrity rights, including freedom from disappearances, extra-judicial killings, torture, and political imprisonment. The results also show that extensive sanctions are more detrimental to human rights than partial/selective sanctions. Economic coercion remains a counterproductive policy tool, even when sanctions are specifically imposed with the goal of improving human rights. Finally, multilateral sanctions have a greater overall negative impact on human rights than unilateral sanctions.

The Cost of Shame: International Organizations and Foreign Aid in the Punishing of Human Rights Violators

Lebovic, J. H., Voeten, E. — 2008-12-22

Are violators of international human rights norms punished with lower levels of foreign aid? Despite their abstract preferences, governments often lack the incentive to punish norm violators bilaterally. Multilateral lending institutions, such as the World Bank, could fill the void if they wanted to consider human rights abuses and could bypass restrictions on evaluating the political character of recipients. This article argues that `shaming' in the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, through resolutions that explicitly criticized governments for their human rights records, provided substantive information about rights abuses and gave political cover for the World Bank and other liberal multilateral aid institutions seeking to sanction human rights violators. Statistical analyses support these theoretical claims. The adoption of a UNCHR resolution condemning a country's human rights record produced a sizeable reduction in multilateral, and especially World Bank, aid but had no effect on the country's aggregate bilateral aid receipts. The analyses also support predictions that `objective' measures of human rights have no independent effect on multilateral aid allocations. The findings, which are robust to different model techniques and specifications, suggest that punishment for violating international human rights norms is selective, that international organizations play an important role in the selection process and, thus, that seemingly symbolic resolutions of a politically motivated IO can carry tangible consequences.

What Causes Changes in Opinion About the Israeli--Palestinian Peace Process?

Fielding, D., Penny, M. — 2008-12-22

In this article, the authors present a statistical analysis of the factors that have driven monthly variations in the aggregate level of support among Israeli Jews for the Oslo Peace Accords since the onset of the intifada. Using data from monthly opinion polls, they find that there is a stable relationship between the fraction of respondents supporting the peace process and variables capturing the current level of conflict intensity. Different dimensions of the conflict have very different effects on Jewish-Israeli public opinion, with substantial heterogeneity in the response of attitudes to conflict events on either side of the Green Line. Although variations in the number of Jewish-Israeli casualties have a large impact on opinion, some Palestinian casualties also matter, suggesting that there is a `sympathy' effect. For a given level of conflict intensity, variations in perceived economic cost of the intifada also appear to have an impact on opinion. The results indicate that the Almond-Lippmann Consensus does not apply to modern Israel. The median respondent does not have entrenched and immovable views about the desirability of a negotiated settlement with the Palestinians, and median opinion does not fluctuate in a purely random way. On average, opinion will respond in predictable ways to changes in the political and economic environment.

`Highly Vulnerable'? Political Violence and the Social Construction of Traumatized Children

Gilligan, C. — 2008-12-22

Since the end of the Cold War, humanitarian interventions to provide psychological assistance to children exposed to political violence have become commonplace. Within the literature and the practices of organizations involved in interventions, there is a widespread conception that children exposed to political violence are highly vulnerable to psychological trauma. This article challenges this claim. The article examines a number of methodological weaknesses in the existing literature and associated practices, including: problems of measurement; an inadequate conception of the aetiology of children's psychological responses; and a lack of due attention to the literature on child development. On the basis of this examination, we conclude that the evidence base does not support the conclusion that children are highly vulnerable. The article then suggests that two factors may help to explain the growth in interventions in the absence of a scientifically rigorous evidence base: cultural changes in Western society, which have led to an increasing focus on `victimhood', which maps easily onto existing Western conceptions of childhood as a time of innocence; and changes in the international system at the end of the Cold War, which have provided a favourable environment for the significant growth of `humanitarian' interventions. The article concludes with some suggestions for lines of inquiry for future research.

Diplomatic Interventions and Civil War: A New Dataset

Regan, P. M., Frank, R. W., Aydin, A. — 2008-12-22

Recent research in the civil war literature has focused on how and when external actors intervene. However, to date, systematic data have not existed on diplomatic efforts in conflict management. This article fills this gap and introduces a dataset on 438 diplomatic interventions in 68 conflicts stretching from 1945 to 1999. The authors briefly outline previous research on third-party interventions in civil wars, describe the dataset in some detail, including some initial patterns in the data, and describe how this dataset contributes to research into conflict processes. The authors also demonstrate how diplomatic interventions can be incorporated into other research agendas by merging this dataset with Doyle & Sambanis's peacekeeping data and replicating their analysis to examine the role of external diplomacy on peacebuilding success. These data on interventions, moreover, can be merged with commonly used datasets on intrastate conflicts, which promises a wide range of application in civil war studies. Developing a greater understanding of when and how civil wars end, scholarship needs to take into account efforts to arrive at diplomatic solutions. And if, as the results demonstrate, externally driven diplomacy facilitates the termination of civil wars, then the policy implications are quite important.

Bernard, Cheryl, et al., 2008. Women and Nation-Building. Santa Monica, CA: Rand Center for Middle East Public Policy. xx + 212 pp. ISBN 9780833043115

Shamsuddin, F. — 2008-12-22

Colaresi, Michael P.; Karen Rasler & William R. Thompson, 2007. Strategic Rivalries in World Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 314 pp. ISBN 9780521707619

Bennett, D. S. — 2008-12-22

Collins, Randal, 2008. Violence: A Micro-Sociological Theory. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. xi + 584 pp. ISBN 9780691133133

Skrede Gleditsch, K. — 2008-12-22

Cortright, David, 2008. Peace: A History of Movements and Ideas. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. viii + 376 pp. ISBN 9780521670005

Williams, H. A. — 2008-12-22

Diehl, Paul F., 2008. Peace Operations. Cambridge, MA: Polity. 197 pp. ISBN 9780745642079

Heldt, B. — 2008-12-22

Evans, Martin & John Phillips, 2007. Algeria: Anger of the Dispossessed. New Haven, CT & London: Yale University Press. xv + 351 pp. ISBN 9780300108811

Mouhleb, N. — 2008-12-22

Feinstein, Anthony, 2006. Journalists Under Fire: The Psychological Hazards of Covering War. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. 216 pp. ISBN 0801884411

Hanssen, M. — 2008-12-22

Gormley-Heenan, Cathy, 2007. Political Leadership and the Northern Ireland Peace Process: Role, Capacity and Effect. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. vii + 200 pp. ISBN 9780230500372

Loyle, C. E. — 2008-12-22

Harel, Amos & Avi Issacharoff, 2008. 34 Days: Israel, Hezbollah and the War in Lebanon. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. xi + 288 pp. ISBN 9780230604001

Nygard, H. M. — 2008-12-22

Hobsbawm, Eric, 2007. Globalization, Democracy and Terrorism. London: Little, Brown. 192 pp. ISBN 9780316027823

Kivimaki, T. — 2008-12-22

Jabri, Vivienne, 2007. War and the Transformation of Global Politics. Basingstoke & New York: Palgrave Macmillan. x + 230 pp. ISBN 9780230006577

Liden, K. — 2008-12-22

Jeong, Ho-Won, 2008. Understanding Conflict and Conflict Analysis. Los Angeles, CA: Sage. 264 pp. ISBN 9781412903080

Botes, J. — 2008-12-22

Khalidi, Rashid, 2006. The Iron Cage. Boston, MA: Beacon. xlii + 281 pp. ISBN 0807003085

Jensehaugen, J. — 2008-12-22

Martin, Andrew & Patrice Petro, eds, 2006. Rethinking Global Security: Media, Popular Culture, and the War on Terror. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. x + 246 pp. ISBN 9780813538303

Mouhleb, N. — 2008-12-22

Miller, Benjamin, 2007. States, Nations, and the Great Powers: The Sources of Regional War and Peace. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. xviii + 500 pp. ISBN 9780521691611

Lemke, D. — 2008-12-22

Payne, James L., 2004. A History of Force: Exploring the Worldwide Movement Against Habits of Coercion, Bloodshed, and Mayhem. Sandpoint, ID: Lytton. 296 pp. ISBN 0915728176

Gleditsch, N. P. — 2008-12-22

Rappert, Brian, ed., 2007. Technology and Security: Governing Threats in the New Millennium. Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan. v + 223 pp. ISBN 9780230019706

Kittelsen, S. — 2008-12-22

Smith, Anthony D., 2008. The Cultural Foundations of Nations: Hierarchy, Covenant, and Republic. Malden, MA: Blackwell. xv + 245 pp. ISBN 9781405177986

Mouhleb, N. — 2008-12-22

Stein, Janice Gross & Eugene Lang, 2007. The Unexpected War: Canada in Kandahar. Toronto: Viking Canada. xv + 348 pp. ISBN 0670067229

Waters, C. — 2008-12-22

Stewart, Frances, ed., 2008. Horizontal Inequalities and Conflict: Understanding Group Violence in Multiethnic Societies. Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan. xx + 364 pp. ISBN 9780230516809

Holtermann, H. — 2008-12-22

Stewart, Patrick & Kaysie Brown, 2007. Greater Than the Sum of Its Parts: Assessing `Whole of Government' Approaches to Fragile States. New York: International Peace Academy. xii + 157 pp. ISBN 9780937722985

Shamsuddin, F. — 2008-12-22

Tilly, Charles, 2006. Why? Princeton, NJ & Oxford: Princeton University Press. 205 pp. ISBN 9780691125213

Berg Harpviken, K. — 2008-12-22

Books Received

2008-12-22